BENFICA DE REGRESSO

Plantel de Futebol Profissional retoma o trabalho no dia 4 de maio.

O plantel principal do Sport Lisboa e Benfica voltará ao trabalho na segunda-feira, dia 4 de maio, no Benfica Campus (Seixal).

Portugal vive em estado de emergência desde 19 de março e, depois de renovada por duas vezes, a atual situação terminará, como tudo indica, a 2 de maio.

O Sport Lisboa e Benfica cumprirá assim, de forma rigorosa, o acordo de cavalheiros estabelecido por todos os clubes sob o patrocínio da Liga e dará início, desta forma, à designada fase de "Retoma".

Ainda antes do regresso de Equipa Técnica e Jogadores às instalações, o primeiro passo acontecerá já amanhã, segunda-feira, dia 27 de abril, quando Bruno Lage, os seus adjuntos e todo o Departamento do Futebol Profissional se submeterem ao Teste de Diagnóstico à COVID-19, no Seixal, em sistema de "drive-thru".

No dia seguinte, terça-feira (dia 28), será a vez de Jogadores e Familiares serem testados, num processo que irá decorrer nos próprios domicílios dos Futebolistas.

"Após a obtenção destes resultados (sendo estes negativos), os Atletas serão avaliados, nas instalações do Seixal, pelo Departamento Médico numa sala preparada para o efeito, onde qualquer dado clínico importante pode ainda ser motivo de eventual isolamento", explica o Dr. Ricardo Antunes, responsável pelo Departamento Médico.

No fim de semana que coincide com o anunciado final do estado de emergência, será então o regresso de todo o Departamento de Futebol ao Seixal, com os Jogadores a realizarem aí uma sessão de testes físicos.

No dia 4 (segunda-feira) dar-se-á início ao arranque dos Treinos Individuais, que nos primeiros dois dias serão antecedidos de análises clínicas. Os treinos vão acontecer com os Jogadores divididos por quatro grupos, com dois deles a trabalharem no período da manhã e os outros dois no período da tarde.

"Não haverá qualquer contacto entre companheiros de equipa. O trabalho no ginásio terá o distanciamento adequado e o trabalho com os Fisioterapeutas, Enfermeiro e Médicos ocorrerá com os devidos cuidados e equipamentos de proteção. Diga-se, ainda, que o circuito efetuado pelos Atletas nas nossas instalações terá sentido único para minimizar a possibilidade de contactos."

Haverá limitações no acesso às instalações do Departamento de Futebol Profissional e todas as áreas do Benfica Campus (Segurança, Lavandaria, Campos, Refeições e outros) seguirão os procedimentos adequados de higienização e privilegiando, em todos os momentos, o princípio de menor contacto possível com Jogadores e Staff – que, diariamente, serão submetidos a um processo de triagem no momento da chegada e entrada no BC.

Os Jogadores vão continuar a receber as refeições em casa (almoço e/ou jantar) e, sempre que estiverem no Seixal, irão ter à disposição quartos individuais, com casa de banho privativa, onde se poderão equipar e tomar banho, não havendo utilização de balneários coletivos.

"Foi efetuado um planeamento com a máxima segurança possível, com o objetivo de diminuir ao máximo os fatores de risco. Começámos por reforçar a informação ao Staff e aos Jogadores, relativamente às boas práticas de higiene geral, regras de etiqueta, lavagem correta das mãos, utilização de máscaras e distanciamento social. Houve ainda formação especial de técnicos de limpeza com o objetivo de manter a higiene e assepsia adequadas em locais frequentados por elementos do Futebol Profissional", adianta Ricardo Antunes.

Desde a interrupção da competição até hoje, o Sport Lisboa e Benfica fez tudo o que era possível para garantir que a Equipa estaria em perfeitas condições no momento do regresso, que agora se aproxima.

O Futebol do Sport Lisboa e Benfica cumpriu de forma escrupulosa – e continuará a cumprir – as normas e recomendações definidas pelas autoridades competentes e jamais deixará de ser parte ativa na constante campanha de pedagogia e educação social que deve perdurar.

O contexto é muito particular, é verdade, mas o Sport Lisboa Benfica reafirma que quer voltar a jogar e conquistar, em campo, 11 vitórias nos 11 jogos que faltam disputar para se encerrar a temporada 2019/20.

Neste momento único que a Sociedade atravessa, não é possível deixar de relevar o importante contributo social que o Sport Lisboa e Benfica e os seus Jogadores deram e continuam a dar à comunidade. Solidariedade, Responsabilidade, Profissionalismo e Compromisso foram alguns dos vetores que nortearam a atitude da Equipa neste interregno.

Fotos: SL Benfica

RESPOSTAS DO SL BENFICA AO NEW YORK TIMES

Tornamos públicas na íntegra as questões e respostas dadas.

Tendo sido contactado pelo New York Times a propósito de uma notícia que estaria a fazer sobre o processo atualmente em curso envolvendo o hacker Rui Pinto – a que, importa realçar, o Sport Lisboa e Benfica é totalmente alheio, não tendo qualquer envolvimento, nem qualquer ligação, nem participação em qualquer qualidade –, entendemos tornar públicas na íntegra as questões e respostas que, em nosso nome, foram dadas pela equipa jurídica que representa o Clube...

Pergunta 1. Deparei-me com uma apresentação de 49 páginas do Benfica que explica os objetivos do clube e um deles parece ser o de influenciar o ambiente externo. A página final é uma casa com o título "Casa Estratégica". O slide fala sobre como influenciar a federação, os órgãos políticos, os media e a comissão de arbitragem. Pode comentar este documento?

RESPOSTA. O Benfica tem vários documentos e apresentações feitas pelos seus profissionais sobre as "Casas do Benfica". As "Casas do Benfica", se não tem conhecimento, são grupos organizados de apoiantes do Benfica, espalhados pelo mundo inteiro. Em nenhum dos documentos ou apresentações preparadas pelo Benfica, incluindo no que respeita às "Casas do Benfica", os profissionais do Benfica atuaram ou sugeriram quaisquer ações, que não fossem perfeitamente legais. O mesmo se aplica ao documento que refere, assumindo naturalmente que se trata de um documento que seja propriedade do Benfica.

Pergunta 2. Algumas pessoas dizem que o Benfica tem uma influência pouco saudável nos órgãos de poder de Portugal. O que é que se diz a isto?

RESPOSTA. "Algumas pessoas" dizem tudo o que querem em relação a qualquer questão que queiram – especificamente quando são "pessoas" escondidas atrás de cortinas de fumo. Há muitas "pessoas" que falam da influência pouco salutar das empresas norte-americanas e mesmo do seu governo sobre os negócios em países estrangeiros, como decisões políticas de outras nações soberanas (e vice-versa, como a Ucrânia). Como jornalista, é preciso saber a diferença entre alegações com objetivos noticiosos concretos e alegações evidentes de influências perniciosas nos órgãos de poder de qualquer país. As teorias da conspiração são o "alimento" diário da Internet, das redes sociais e, infelizmente, até de jornais de confiança e conceituados.

A primeira pergunta que alguém deve fazer é "quem" são as "algumas pessoas"? Os adversários do Benfica? Os adversários profissionais dos apoiantes de renome do Benfica? "Algumas pessoas" que querem ganhar campeonatos sem terem capacidade para o fazer, e assim usam todo o tipo de argumentos para falsamente reclamar contra o Benfica? E, também, aqueles que usam roubos, pirataria, que fazem campanhas de difamação, etc?

Não nos esqueçamos que para atacar o Benfica, o maior e mais competente clube de futebol de Portugal, alguém pagou a hackers/piratas e assaltantes para obter informações comerciais sigilosas. Se algo semelhante ocorrer nos EUA, as autoridades, como o Departamento de Justiça, FBI, e até órgãos políticos, etc., estariam a perseguir e a acusar os hackers, os assaltantes e os agentes de difamação.

Uma pergunta muito interessante, que alguém faria, seria também: porque é que uma Fundação norte-americana está tão interessada em suportar os custos da vida e da defesa de um hacker/criminoso? Será normal, e algo de que nos possamos orgulhar, que uma instituição legítima apoie atividades criminosas? O que diriam ou pensariam o Departamento de Justiça, o FBI e o Congresso dos EUA sobre uma instituição privada de renome norte-americano que financia criminosos ou atividades criminosas em todo o mundo?

Pergunta 3. Processaram criminalmente Rui Pinto por ser a cara por trás do ataque ao Benfica?

RESPOSTA. O Benfica procura justiça contra todos os criminosos que invadiram, assaltaram e insultaram esta instituição centenária. Infelizmente, mesmo para uma instituição como o Benfica, é muito difícil opor-se a pessoas que estão a ser financiadas (em circunstâncias muito suspeitas) por entidades sediadas no estrangeiro com a cooperação de grupos internacionais de hackers (e também de antigos políticos que estão a preparar a sua futura carreira política, já que se encontram fora de cena neste momento). Seria uma investigação muito interessante: quem e porque está, fora da Europa, a financiar atividades criminosas na Europa relacionadas com o futebol e outras instituições (por exemplo, económicas, industriais, políticas, etc.).

Quem sabe, um dia serão descobertas "ligações perigosas" entre algumas fundações privadas, jornais, políticos e jornalistas dos EUA e da Europa, com os ataques injustos que o Benfica tem vindo a sofrer. Mas, nesse momento, também serão divulgados os objetivos dessas campanhas, tais como a origem do dinheiro utilizado para esse fim. O jornalista que divulgar essa informação ganharia um Pulitzer.

Pergunta 4. Algumas pessoas descrevem a influência do Benfica como sendo... a de um polvo com tentáculos que se estendem por muitos cantos do Estado Português e da cena futebolística. Como descreveria esta metáfora?

RESPOSTA. Algumas investigações judiciais e decisões do Tribunal (e não "algumas pessoas", como mais uma vez diz na sua pergunta) já demonstraram e decidiram onde está o polvo, quem é o polvo e porque é que alguns clubes rivais do Benfica estão tão preocupados em derrotar o Benfica fora das competições desportivas... uma vez que não estão à altura para competir desportivamente contra o Benfica, tentam ao máximo atacar com falsas acusações.

Quantos adeptos do FC Porto e do Sporting (ou de outros clubes) e suas direções têm posições importantes no panorama do futebol e ocupam posições muito importantes nos órgãos governamentais, administrativos e judiciais portugueses? Quantos deputados, ministros, governadores, presidentes de câmara, presidentes de instituições públicas, diretores de empresas públicas, juízes e procuradores são adeptos de outros clubes de futebol? Existe alguma estatística à sua disposição para comparar e colocar essa questão?

Quando é que a preocupação com as "guerras do futebol português" começou a suscitar tal interesse junto do público geral nos EUA, das fundações, das pessoas e dos jornais? Vende realmente jornais (ou garante likes) entre os seus leitores? Quando é que a alegada "influência pouco saudável" do Benfica na sociedade portuguesa começou a estar sob os holofotes dos leitores do NYT?

Pergunta 5. Numa assembleia geral, um membro do clube foi apanhado em filme a criticar a forma como o clube era gerido e todas as alegações que enfrentava. Ele foi aparentemente atacado pelo presidente do clube, Luís Filipe Vieira. Quer comentar esse episódio?

RESPOSTA. Em todos os grandes clubes desportivos do mundo, quando falamos de instituições centenárias que suscitam a paixão e os sonhos de milhões de pessoas em todo o planeta, é habitual as assembleias gerais serem vívidas, apaixonadas e até dramáticas. Os prós e os contras típicos da política também ocorrem nestes clubes especiais. Só quem não tem conhecimento absoluto da paixão que o futebol desperta (típica de países onde o futebol quase não tem relevância), pode achar estranho que numa Assembleia Geral ocorra algum exagero verbal. Não foi a primeira vez e supomos que não será a última. Não só no Benfica. Também, noutros clubes, durante a Assembleia Geral, as forças policiais são chamadas para garantir a vida e a integridade física dos diretores. Não foi esse o caso durante o episódio referido na sua pergunta.

Pergunta 6. Um ex-funcionário do clube, Paulo Gonçalves, foi acusado de subornar um funcionário do Ministério da Justiça para obter informações sobre casos que possam implicar o Benfica. Acha que ele estava a representar o Benfica? O Benfica ainda faz negócios com o Sr. Gonçalves?

RESPOSTA. Em primeiro lugar, não há qualquer referência a nenhum funcionário do Ministério da Justiça. Com certeza que a informação que recebeu não é exata e correta, foi-lhe dada uma tradução enganosa. No processo judicial, foi um oficial de justiça auxiliar que foi acusado. Não foi um funcionário do Ministério da Justiça. Em segundo lugar, o Sr. Gonçalves também não era administrador da SAD do Clube, conforme decisão dos Tribunais confirmada duas vezes por dois Tribunais diferentes.

Em terceiro lugar, e estranhamente, a sua informação sobre a existência e o resultado deste processo penal está bastante atrasada no tempo – estranharíamos um tal nível de "desconhecimento" sobre o que aconteceu. Todos os meios de comunicação social (alguns internacionais) espalharam a notícia há mais de um ano, o que torna a sua pergunta anacrónica: foi provado num tribunal de 1.ª Instância e confirmado num Tribunal de recurso, que o Benfica não tinha, nem tem, interesse na influência sobre os atos desse trabalhador de um pequeno tribunal numa pequena cidade do interior de Portugal. E, também, nenhum interesse, poder ou influência sobre a vida privada do Sr. Gonçalves (quem são os seus amigos, colegas, contactos, etc.).

Tanta informação em falta por trás desta questão (especialmente vinda de um jornalista tão importante e bem informado) não é facilmente compreensível.

VERSÃO EM INGLÊS

Question 1. I have come across a 49-page Benfica presentation that explains the club's objectives and one of those appears to be to influence the external environment. The final page is a house with the title "Casa Estratégica"/ The slide talks about influencing the federation, political organs, media and the referee board. Can you comment on this document? 

ANSWER. Benfica has several documents and presentations made by its professionals regarding the “Benfica Houses”. Benfica Houses, if you are not aware, are organized groups of Benfica’s supporters, spread throughout the world. In none of the documents or presentations prepared by Benfica, including in regard of Benfica Houses, Benfica professionals have acted or suggested any actions, that were not perfectly legal. The same applies to the document you mention, naturally assuming this is a proprietary document of Benfica.

Question 2. Some people say Benfica has an unhealthy influence on Portugal's organs of power. What do you say to this? 

ANSWER. “Some people” say everything they want regarding all the issues they want – specifically when they are “people” hiding behind curtains of smoke. There are many “some people” talking about the unhealthy influence of USA companies and even government in foreign affairs, as political decisions of other sovereign countries (and vice-versa, such as Ukraine). As a journalist, one must know the difference between allegations with concrete faking news purposes, and evidenced allegations of unhealthy influences on any country’s organs of power. Theories of conspiracy are the daily “food” of internet, social media and, unfortunately, even trusted and reputed newspapers.

The 1st question anyone should ask is “who” is the “some people”? Benfica’s adversaries? Benfica reputed supporters’ professional adversaries? “Some people” who wants to win championships without having the capabilities to do it, and thus uses all the kind of arguments to falsely claim against Benfica? And, also, those who use robbery, piracy, defamation campaigns, etc…?

Do not forget that to attack Benfica, the biggest and most competent football club in Portugal, somebody has paid hackers/pirates and robbers to obtain business secrecy. If something similar occurs in USA, the authorities, such as Department of Justice, FBI, and even political bodies, etc., would be persecuting and charging the hackers, the robbers and the defamation agents.

One very much interesting question that someone would ask, would also be: why is a North American Foundation so much interested in supporting the costs of life and defence of a hacker/criminal? Is it normal and something to be proud of, a legitimate and lawful institution to support criminal activity? What would the DoJ, the FBI and the Congress of USA say or think about a North American’s reputed private institution financing criminals or criminal activities around the world?

Question 3. Are you seeking criminal charges against Rui Pinto for being behind the hack on Benfica? 

ANSWER. Benfica is seeking for Justice against all the criminals that have hacked, robbed and insulted this centennial institution. Unfortunately, even for an institution as Benfica it is very difficult to oppose to people that is being financed (on the most suspect circumstances) by entities based abroad with the cooperation of international groups of hackers (and also of former politicians that are preparing their future political career, once they are out of the stage right now). That would be a very interesting investigation: who and why is, outside Europe, financing criminal activity in Europe regarding football and other institutions (e.g., economic, industry, politics, etc.).

Who knows, one day it will be discovered the “dangerous liaisons” between some private foundations, newspapers, politicians and journalists across USA and Europe, with the unfair attacks that Benfica has been suffering. But at that moment, also the objectives of such campaigns will be disclosed, such as the origin of the money used for such purposes. A Pulitzer prize will be won by the Journalist who discloses such information.

Question 4. Some people describe Benfica's influence as being … to an octopus, with tentacles that stretch out into many corners of the Portuguese state and soccer scene. How would you describe that description? 

ANSWER. Some judiciary investigations and Court decisions (and not “some people” as once again used in your question) have already demonstrated and decided where is the octopus, who is the octopus, and why some Benfica rival clubs are so much concerned in defeating Benfica outside the sports competitions… once they are not a match to compete in sports with Benfica, they try the most out of them to attack with false allegations.

How many FC Porto and Sporting Lisbon (or other clubs’) supporters and directives have important positions in soccer scene and hold very much important positions in Portuguese governmental, administrative and judicial bodies? How many “parliament members”, ministers, governors, mayors, public institution presidents, public companies’ directors, judges and prosecutors are supporters of other football clubs? Is there a statistic at your disposal, in order to compare and pose such a question?

When did concern over the “Portuguese football wars” started to raise such an interest to the general public in the USA, to foundations and persons and newspapers? Does it really sell newspapers (or likes) among your readers? When did the alleged “unhealthy influence” of Benfica in Portuguese society start to become under the spotlight for NYT readers?

Question 5. At a general assembly, a member of the club was caught on film criticising the way it was run and all the allegations it was facing. He appeared to be attacked by the president of the club, Luis Felipe Vieira. Do you want to comment on that episode? 

ANSWER. In all major Sports Clubs around the world, when we are speaking of centennial institutions that raise passion and dreams of millions of persons around the globe, it is usual general assemblies to be vivid, passionate, even dramatic. The pros and the cons typical of politics also occurs in these special Clubs. Only one that has no absolute knowledge of the passion that football awakes (typical of countries where football has almost no relevance), could find strange that in a General Assembly Meeting some verbal exaggeration occurs. It was not the first time and we guess that it will not be the last one. Not only in Benfica. Also, in other clubs, during General Assembly’s, the police forces are called to guarantee the lives and physical integrity of the Directors. That was not the case during the episode referred to on your question.

Question 6. A former club official Paulo Goncalves has been charged with bribing a ministry of justice official for information about cases that could implicate Benfica. Do you think he was acting for Benfica? Does Benfica still do business with Mr Goncalves?

ANSWER. Firstly, there is no reference anywhere to any ministry of justice official. For sure the information you got is not proper and correct and a misleading translation was given to you. At the judicial procedure it was an Auxiliar Bailiff that has been charged. Not a Ministry of Justice Official.

Secondly, Mr. Gonçalves was also not a Club Official, as per the Courts decision confirmed twice by two different Courts.

Thirdly, and strangely, your information regarding the existence and result of this criminal procedure is quite delayed on time – one would really find strange such a level of “not knowing” regarding what has happened. All the media (some international) has spread the news more than a year ago, what makes your question anachronic: it was evidenced in a 1st degree court of law, and confirmed at an appeal Court, that Benfica had neither interest nor influence regarding the acts of such worker of a small court in a small town of the Portuguese countryside. And, also, no interest, command or influence in Mr. Gonçalves private life (who are his friends, colleagues, contacts, etc.).

So many information lacking behind this question (specially coming from such an important and well-informed journalist) is not easily understandable.

In Airing Benfica’s Secrets, a Hacker Angered Its Fans. His Trial Judge Is One of Them.

The decide’s allegiance to Benfica, the largest soccer membership in Portugal, hardly made him an outlier.

Benfica typically boasts that it might probably depend greater than half of Portugal’s inhabitants as supporters, and judges, prosecutors, high police officers and even the nation’s prime minister are common visitors within the administrators’ field on the staff’s matches. One decide has been so loyal, actually, that he was honored final yr with a Golden Eagle lapel pin, symbolic of his half-century affiliation with the membership.

So when it was revealed decide, not the one given the lapel pin however one other one, had joined the legion of critics assailing a 31-year-old pc professional, Rui Pinto, who had embarrassed Benfica by publishing a few of its darkest secrets and techniques on-line, few rushed to the hacker’s protection.

But to legal professionals for Pinto, who’s scheduled to face trial this summer season, the decide’s fandom was a significant issue: He had been assigned to supervise their shopper’s case.

“You don’t really feel comfortable,” Pinto’s Portuguese lawyer, Francisco Teixeira da Mota, stated in a phone interview. “Of course, we want somebody who shouldn’t be dedicated to Benfica.”

Benfica’s attain, although, might make that troublesome. The Lisbon staff is the largest of Portugal’s three strongest golf equipment, a sporting and media colossus whose affect extends into almost each facet of each day life within the nation. It is a staff whose victories are celebrated, whose losses are mourned and whose followers maintain positions of energy in every part from media to banking to authorities. That energy, Benfica’s critics say, affords the membership and its leaders a sort of leverage that extends far past the soccer subject, and explains why some confer with it because the Octopus.

Ana Gomes, a profession diplomat turned anticorruption campaigner, stated in a current interview that she believed Benfica’s outsize affect had given it a privileged standing in Portuguese society, significantly when it got here to authorized issues. The phrase she used to explain that standing — “state seize” — refers back to the notion that non-public entities like firms, or possibly even a well-liked sports activities staff, can develop so highly effective that they’re ready, in the event that they select, to unduly affect the state itself.

“State seize is completed by way of the seize of people who find themselves in an institutional place within the state, and naturally one key pillar is the justice system,” stated Gomes, who has been campaigning on Pinto’s behalf. “If you might have judges who’re captured, or don’t thoughts having the looks of being captured, we now have an issue.”

Benfica didn’t reply to a request for remark.

For now, it’s Pinto, although, who might have the largest drawback of all. In crossing Benfica and exposing its secrets and techniques, he has made a formidable enemy.

Arrested final yr in Hungary and extradited house to Portugal, Pinto now faces 25 years in jail for his hacking, which unearthed not solely the key paperwork of Benfica, but additionally others associated to gamers, outstanding brokers and even the workplace of the nation’s lawyer basic.

The disclosures have been hailed in some corners for shining a lightweight on the underbelly of the world’s hottest sport, however for now they’re producing solely nervousness for Pinto. That is as a result of his destiny now rests, doubtlessly, within the fingers of a decide, Paulo Registo, who might have already got signaled he believes the defendant is responsible.

After being picked to preside over Pinto’s trial, Registo labored rapidly to delete social media posts linking himself to Benfica, however not earlier than they’d been seen by journalists and others. In one, the decide was reported to have preferred a publish that described Pinto as a “pirate.”

“The decide that may decide Rui Pinto doesn’t conceal his love for Benfica,” learn one headline from a information outlet that reprinted a number of the messages.

That affiliation provided extra ammunition to critics who’ve lengthy bemoaned what they thought-about to be an in depth relationship between Portugal’s most necessary establishments and Benfica. But it was not the primary time he had overseen a case intently linked to his favourite staff.

Before he was named to steer Pinto’s trial, Registo served on a three-judge panel overseeing a case involving Benfica’s former authorized director, Paulo Gonçalves. The authorized director was accused of buying and selling perks like prime seats and membership merchandise to 2 courtroom officers who’re accused of illegally getting access to particulars of ongoing investigations into Benfica after which passing that confidential info to staff officers.

Yet regardless that he was the top of the membership’s authorized division, and his actions benefited the membership, the courtroom allowed Gonçalves to obscure his hyperlinks to Benfica by claiming he had acted in a non-public capability. A courtroom of appeals decide later complained that Benfica itself ought to have been charged.

But, then, Registo was not the one decide dealing with a case through which Benfica held an curiosity who was later revealed to be a loyal supporter of the membership.

Last yr, in March, the decide who obtained the prized Golden Eagle lapel pin, Eduardo Rodrigues Pires, solely belatedly requested to be recused from a case through which Benfica’s nice home rival, F.C. Porto, was searching for to overturn a ruling ordering it to pay two million euros, or about $2.2 million, for disseminating confidential Benfica paperwork on its tv channel. (A supervising decide rejected his request to step apart, declaring that Pires’s ardour for Benfica couldn’t presumably affect his impartiality as a decide.)

Shortly after being chosen to listen to the case, Pires, who additionally owned inventory in Benfica, was invited by the membership to go to its coaching advanced.

Porto is presently interesting the ruling, however the frequency of outcomes that seem to have benefited Benfica and the contents of a few of Pinto’s leaks — which included a database with the names and addresses of a few of Portugal’s most senior judges and notes on video games they’d been invited to attend — have renewed questions on how far the membership’s affect extends.

“You want to grasp Portuguese historical past to grasp the significance of soccer in our tradition, politics, even in our on a regular basis lives,” stated Mário Figueiredo, a former president of the Portuguese league. He stated that a number of of the presidents of Portugal’s three greatest golf equipment had typically discovered themselves in authorized bother, however that none had by no means been prosecuted whereas in workplace.

“Being the president is a type of safety,” he stated. More than a decade in the past, for instance, Porto’s longtime president, Jorge Nuno Pinto da Costa, was cleared of involvement in a corruption scandal after wiretap proof that appeared to hyperlink him to a scheme to bribe referees was deemed inadmissible by a decide.

On Monday, after particulars of his hyperlinks to Benfica have been printed by Portuguese information retailers, and after Pinto’s legal professionals complained, Registo wrote to the courtroom of appeals asking to be recused. No choice on his request has but to be made.

Judge in Portugal Hearing Benfica Hacker’s Case Is a Benfica Fan

The judge’s allegiance to Benfica, the biggest soccer club in Portugal, hardly made him an outlier.

Benfica often boasts that it can count more than half of Portugal’s population as supporters, and judges, prosecutors, top police officials and even the country’s prime minister are regular guests in the directors’ box at the team’s matches. One judge has been so loyal, in fact, that he was honored last year with a Golden Eagle lapel pin, symbolic of his half-century affiliation with the club.

So when it was revealed that a judge, not the one given the lapel pin but another one, had joined the legion of critics assailing a 31-year-old computer hacker, Rui Pinto, who had embarrassed Benfica by publishing some of its darkest secrets online, few rushed to his defense.

But to lawyers for Pinto, who is scheduled to stand trial this summer, the judge’s fandom was a serious problem: He had been assigned to oversee their client’s case.

“You don’t feel at ease,” Pinto’s Portuguese lawyer, Francisco Teixeira da Mota, said in a telephone interview. “Of course, we would like someone who is not committed to Benfica.”

Benfica’s reach, though, may make that difficult. The Lisbon team is the biggest of Portugal’s three most powerful clubs, a sporting and media colossus whose influence extends into nearly every aspect of daily life in the country. It is a team whose victories are celebrated, whose losses are mourned and whose fans hold positions of power in everything from media to banking to government. That power, Benfica’s critics say, affords the club and its leaders a type of leverage that extends far beyond the soccer field, and explains why some refer to it as the Octopus.

Ana Gomes, a career diplomat turned anticorruption campaigner, said in a recent interview that she believed Benfica’s outsize influence had given it a privileged status in Portuguese society, particularly when it came to legal matters. The phrase she used to describe that status — “state capture” — refers to the notion that private entities like corporations, or maybe even a popular sports team, can grow so powerful that they are able, if they choose, to unduly influence the state itself.

“State capture is done through the capture of people who are in an institutional position in the state, and of course one key pillar is the justice system,” said Gomes, who has been campaigning on Pinto’s behalf. “If you have judges who are captured, or don’t mind having the appearance of being captured, we have a problem.”

Benfica, which was asked for comment on Monday, provided a lengthy defense of its actions on Wednesday night, after publication of the article online.

A club spokesman said via email that Benfica officials had never performed or suggested acts that “were not perfectly legal.”

He suggested that those speaking out against the club were motivated by envy because of its years of success, adding it was not true that Benfica had any undue influence in Portuguese society and that any suggestions to the contrary were conspiracy theories that “are the daily ‘food’ of internet, social media and, unfortunately, even trusted and reputed newspapers.”

For now, it is Pinto, though, who may have the biggest problem of all. In crossing Benfica and exposing its secrets, he has made a formidable enemy.

Arrested last year in Hungary and extradited home to Portugal, Pinto now faces 25 years in prison for his hacking, which unearthed not only the secret documents of Benfica, but also others related to players, prominent agents and even the office of the country’s attorney general. Those charges relate to details Pinto revealed on the so-called Football Leaks platform, and not on a website through which he later funneled the majority of revelations about Benfica.

The disclosures were hailed in some corners for shining a light on the underbelly of the world’s most popular sport, but for now they are producing only anxiety for Pinto. That is because his fate now rests, potentially, in the hands of a judge, Paulo Registo, who may already have signaled he believes the defendant is guilty.

After being picked to preside over Pinto’s trial, Registo worked quickly to delete social media posts linking himself to Benfica, but not before they had been noticed by journalists and others. In one, the judge was reported to have liked a post that described Pinto as a “pirate.”

That association offered more ammunition to critics who have long bemoaned what they considered to be a close relationship between Portugal’s most important institutions and Benfica. But it was not the first time he had overseen a case closely linked to his favorite team.

Before he was named to lead Pinto’s trial, Registo served on a three-judge panel overseeing a case involving Benfica’s former legal director, Paulo Gonçalves. The legal director was accused of trading perks like prime seats and club merchandise to two court officials who are accused of illegally gaining access to details of ongoing investigations into Benfica and then passing that confidential information to team officials.

Yet even though he was the head of the club’s legal department, and his actions benefited the club, the court allowed Gonçalves to obscure his links to Benfica by claiming he had acted in a private capacity. A court of appeals judge later complained that Benfica itself should have been charged.

But, then, Registo was not the only judge handling a case in which Benfica held an interest who was later revealed to be a devoted supporter of the club.

Last year, in March, the judge who received the prized Golden Eagle lapel pin, Eduardo Rodrigues Pires, only belatedly asked to be recused from a case in which Benfica’s great domestic rival, F.C. Porto, was seeking to overturn a ruling ordering it to pay two million euros, or about $2.2 million, for disseminating confidential Benfica documents on its television channel. (A supervising judge rejected his request to step aside, declaring that Pires’s passion for Benfica could not possibly influence his impartiality as a judge.)

Shortly after being selected to hear the case, Pires, who also owned stock in Benfica, was invited by the club to visit its training complex.

Porto is currently appealing the ruling, but the frequency of outcomes that appear to have benefited Benfica and the contents of some of Pinto’s leaks — which included a database with the names and addresses of some of Portugal’s most senior judges and notes on games they had been invited to attend — have renewed questions about how far the club’s influence extends.

“You need to understand Portuguese history to understand the importance of football in our culture, politics, even in our everyday lives,” said Mário Figueiredo, a former president of the Portuguese league. He said that several of the presidents of Portugal’s three biggest clubs had often found themselves in legal trouble, but that none had ever been prosecuted while in office.

“Being the president is a form of protection,” he said. More than a decade ago, for example, Porto’s longtime president, Jorge Nuno Pinto da Costa, was cleared of involvement in a corruption scandal after wiretap evidence that appeared to link him to a scheme to bribe referees was deemed inadmissible by a judge.

Whether Registo will continue to oversee the Pinto trial is less clear.

On Monday, after details of his links to Benfica were published by Portuguese news outlets, and after Pinto’s lawyers complained, Registo wrote to the court of appeals asking to be recused. No decision on his request has yet to be made.

Benfica said it would seek legal action against Pinto and “all the criminals that have hacked, robbed and insulted this centennial institution.”

The club suggested Pinto’s actions had been financed by unidentified overseas entities and international groups of hackers with the support of politicians, international organizations and media from across Europe and the United States.